Pierre Bourdieu un hommage: Hume

Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Hume. Afficher tous les articles

samedi 14 novembre 2020

"comme la force est toujours du côté des gouvernés, les gouvernants n'ont rien pour les soutenir que l'opinion. C'est donc sur l'opinion seule que le gouvernement est fondé et cette maxime s'étend aux gouvernements les plus despotiques et les plus militaires aussi bien qu'aux plus libres et aux plus populaires". Hume

"Rien n'est plus surprenant pour ceux qui considèrent les affaires humaines avec un œil philosophique que de voir la facilité avec laquelle la majorité (the many) est gouvernée par la minorité (the few) et d'observer la soumission implicite avec laquelle les hommes révoquent leurs propres sentiments et passions en faveur de leurs dirigeants. Quand nous nous demandons par quels moyens cette chose étonnante est réalisée, nous trouvons que, comme la force est toujours du côté des gouvernés, les gouvernants n'ont rien pour les soutenir que l'opinion. C'est donc sur l'opinion seule que le gouvernement est fondé et cette maxime s'étend aux gouvernements les plus despotiques et les plus militaires aussi bien qu'aux plus libres et aux plus populaires"

(David Hume, in Pierre Bourdieu, Méditations pascaliennes, Seuil, Liber, 1997, Points Essais, 2003 P.257, aussi in Sur l'Etat. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992, Raisons d'agir/Seuil, 2012, p.257-258)

Lire David Hume, OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT in Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects, 1742

samedi 26 janvier 2013

Publications de Pierre Bourdieu: à propos des Philosophes

Publications de Pierre Bourdieu: à propos des Philosophes

samedi 22 décembre 2012

écouter: Claude Gautier, La Force du social. Enquête philosophique sur la sociologie des pratiques de Pierre Bourdieu (Citéphilo)

écouter: Claude Gautier, La Force du social. Enquête philosophique sur la sociologie des pratiques de Pierre Bourdieu

Claude Gautier, philosophe, professeur des universités à l'ENS Lyon, chercheur rattaché à Triangle (UMR CNRS 5206)

présentation:

Éric Hassenteufel, professeur de philosophie

Gérard Engrand, philosophe, ancien directeur de l'école Nationale d'Architecture et du paysage de Lille

Palais des Beaux-Arts - grand auditorium - Place de la République - Lille, Jeudi, 15 Novembre, 2012

(source Citéphilo)

jeudi 10 mai 2012

écouter: Patrick Champagne, à propos de Pierre Bourdieu

écouter: Patrick Champagne, à propos de Pierre Bourdieu

Chronique hebdo, Radio libertaire, 10.05.2012

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voir également:
L’émission « Chronique Hebdo » sur Radio libertaire recevait Pierre Bourdieu le 1er mars 2001

écouter: Pierre Rimbert, à propos du film Les nouveaux chiens de garde, Radio Libertaire, 1er mars 2012

écouter: Franck Poupeau, à propos de l'ouvrage de Pierre Bourdieu, Sur l'Etat, Radio Libertaire, 23.02.2012

écouter: Patrick Champagne, Sondages, enquêtes : une construction de l’opinion publique ?

en ligne: publications de Patrick Champagne sur le champ journalistique

trois questions à Patrick Champagne à propos du livre de Bourdieu Sur l'Etat

écouter: Patrick Champagne et Franck Poupeau, à propos du livre Sur l'Etat de Pierre Bourdieu + entretien avec Patrick Champagne et Gisèle Sapiro

vendredi 20 janvier 2012

David Hume, OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT

OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT

David Hume

Rendered into HTML and text by Jon Roland
Editing and additional notes based on that of Eugene F. Miller

in Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects

(cité par Pierre Bourdieu, Méditations pascaliennes, Seuil, Collection Liber, 1997, Points, 2003, P.257, aussi in Sur l'Etat. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992, Raisons d'agir/Seuil, 2012, p.257-258)

NOTHING appears more surprizing to those, who consider human affairs with a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as FORCE is always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to support them but opinion. It is therefore, on opinion only that government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. The soldan of EGYPT, or the emperor of ROME, might drive his harmless subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination: But he must, at least, have led his mamalukes, or prætorian bands, like men, by their opinion.

Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of INTEREST, and opinion of RIGHT. By opinion of interest, I chiefly understand the sense of the general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the persuasion, that the particular government, which is established, is equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any government.

Right is of two kinds, right to POWER and right to PROPERTY. What prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their ancient government, and even to those names, which have had the sanction of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of public justice. There is, indeed, no particular, in which, at first sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion, where men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of these contradictory appearances.

It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property the foundation of all government;^[1] and most of our political writers seem inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to property has a great influence in this subject.

Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public interest, of right to power, and of right to property, are all governments founded, and all authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles, which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their operation; such as self-interest, fear, and affection: But still we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above-mentioned. They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original principles of government.

For, first, as to self-interest, by which I mean the expectation of particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his authority with regard to some particular persons; but can never give birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the hopes of any considerable number of the state would never center in any particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy, and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same observation may be extended to the other two principles of fear and affection. No man would have any reason to fear the fury of a tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the farther power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or on the presumed opinion of others. And though affection to wisdom and virtue in a sovereign extends very far, and has great influence; yet he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character, otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.

A Government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power, and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens, where any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the property; but from the original constitution of the government, has no share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men, who possess a large share of the property, it is easy for them gradually to stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with that of property. This has been the case with the house of commons in ENGLAND.

Most writers, that have treated of the BRITISH government, have supposed, that, as the lower house represents all the commons of GREAT BRITAIN, its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more to the house of commons, than to any other member of the constitution; that house being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the house, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by the people; as we may particularly observe of the tory house of commons in the reign of king WILLIAM.^[2] Were the members obliged to receive instructions from their constituents, like the DUTCH deputies, this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and riches, as those of all the commons of GREAT BRITAIN, were brought into the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either influence that multitude of people, or withstand that overbalance of property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted; and no skill, popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For though the people, collected in a body like the ROMAN tribes, be quite unfit for government, yet when dispersed in small bodies, they are more susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and tides is, in a great measure, broken; and the public interest may be pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any farther concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have place in GREAT BRITAIN, and which seems not to be the aim of any party amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.

1. [Probably James Harrington (1611-1677), author of the Commonwealth of Oceana (1656), who maintained that the balance of political power depends upon the balance of property, especially landed property ]

2. [During the period from 1698 to 1701, the House of Commons, under Tory control, opposed measures taken by William III for the security of Europe against Louis XIV of France. When the county of Kent sent petitioners to London in 1701 to chide the House of Commons for its distrust of the king and its delay in voting supplies, the petitioners were arrested. Public disgust at the treatment of the Kentish petitioners was expressed in a Whig pamphlet called the Legion Memorial (1701). The Kentish Petition and the Legion Memorial proved that popular feeling was on the king's side in this struggle with the Commons.]

samedi 31 décembre 2011

en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Hume, Rousseau, Kant, Nietzsche, Hegel

en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Hume, Rousseau, Kant, Nietzsche, Hegel

(Cette liste de publications (en ligne) sera mise à jour au fur et à mesure, version augmentée le 21.01.2012, Gilbert Quélennec)
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à propos de Hume

Esquisse d'une théorie de la pratique, Droz, 1972 et Seuil, 2000, p.259

Raisons pratiques, 1994, Points, 1996, p.128

Méditations pascaliennes, Seuil, 1997, et Points 2003, p.137, 197, 257, 369n

Sur l'Etat. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992, Raisons d'agir/Seuil, 2012, p.257-261, 274, 276, 299, 424

à propos de Rousseau

Le métier de sociologue. Préalables épistémologiques, avec Jean-Claude Chamboredon et Jean-Claude Passeron, Éditions de l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Co-éditeur Mouton de Gruyter, 2005 (1968), p.77, 161

La distinction, Minuit, 1979, p.36, 57

avec Loïc Wacquant, Réponses, Seuil, 1992, p.181

Méditations pascaliennes, Seuil, 1997, et Points 2003, p.97

Sur l'Etat. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992, Raisons d'agir/Seuil, 2012, p.88, 422, 484, 490, 515, 549, 551

à propos de Kant

Les héritiers, Minuit, 1964, p.104-105, 108

Un art moyen, Essai sur les usages sociaux de la photographie, (sous la direction de Pierre Bourdieu), Minuit, 1965, p.122-126, 127, 130

avec Alain Darbel, L'amour de l'art. Les musées d'art européen et leur public, Minuit, 1965, p.73, 83, 162, 163

Le métier de sociologue. Préalables épistémologiques, avec Jean-Claude Chamboredon et Jean-Claude Passeron, Éditions de l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Co-éditeur Mouton de Gruyter, 2005 (1968), p.90, 187

avec Jean-Claude Passeron, La reproduction,Minuit, 1970, p.146, 156

Esquisse d'une théorie de la pratique, Droz, 1972 et Seuil, 2000, p.284

La distinction, Minuit, 1979, p.42-45, 80, 199, 424n 465, 543, 566-581, 583n, 585

Le sens pratique, Minuit, 1980, p.58, 101, 113, 426

Questions de sociologie, Minuit, 1980, p.157

Ce que parler veut dire, Fayard, 1982, p.7, 21, 166

Leçon sur la leçon, Minuit, 1982, p.31

Homo academicus, Minuit, 1984, p.45, 48, 54, 75, 88-89, 96

Choses dites, Minuit, 1987, p.16, 23, 36, 57, 191, 210, 211

L'ontologie politique de Martin Heidegger, Minuit, 1988, p.46, 52, 55, 56n, 57, 59, 68-73, 76-77, 79, 99

avec Loïc Wacquant, Réponses, Seuil, 1992, p.57, 64, 133, 137, 145

Les règles de l'art, Seuil, 1992, Points, 1998, p.13, 320, 347, 363, 465, 480, 484n, 503, 506, 511

Langage et pouvoir symbolique, Points Seuil, 2001, p.53, 66, 202, 267, 361

Raisons pratiques, 1994, Points, 1996, p.27, 84, 138, 166, 223-228, 236

Méditations pascaliennes, Seuil, 1997, et Points 2003, p.9, 41, 66, 67, 80, 95, 97, 98, 106, 107, 109, 113, 157, 174, 176, 308, 351, 356n, 362n, 370n

La domination masculine, Seuil collection Liber, 1998, Points, 2002, P.111-111n

Science de la science et réflexivité, éd Raisons d'agir, 2001, p.10, 39, 92, 153-155, 158-159, 162-163, 176, 186, 199, 215, 217

Esquisse pour une auto-analyse, éd. Raisons d'agir, 2004, p.21, 57

« Secouez un peu vos structures ! », 19 juillet 2001, in Le symbolique et le social. La réception internationale de la pensée de Pierre Bourdieu, Actes du colloque de Cerisy-La-Salle, sous la direction de Jacques Dubois, Pascal Durand et Yves Winkin, Liège, Editions de l’Université de Liège, 2005, p.332

Sur l'Etat. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992, Raisons d'agir/Seuil, 2012, p.155, 234, 237, 270, 287, 424, 527, 538-540

à propos de Nietzsche

Le métier de sociologue. Préalables épistémologiques, avec Jean-Claude Chamboredon et Jean-Claude Passeron, Éditions de l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Co-éditeur Mouton de Gruyter, 2005 (1968), p.43, 56, 86

Algérie 60. Structures économiques et structures temporelles, Minuit, 1977, p.47-47n

La distinction, Minuit, 1979, p.197, 281n, 485

Le sens pratique, Minuit, 1980, p.47-48, 58, 74, 81

Ce que parler veut dire, Fayard, 1982, p.165, 185, 207, 217

Choses dites, Minuit, 1987, p.38, 191-193, 196

L'ontologie politique de Martin Heidegger, Minuit, 1988, p.17, 45, 48, 80, 81n, 93, 94n, 104n, 113

avec Loïc Wacquant, Réponses, Seuil, 1992, p.62, 129, 214, 240n.45

Langage et pouvoir symbolique, Points Seuil, 2001, p.267-269, 329, 331, 359, 389

Méditations pascaliennes, Seuil, 1997, et Points 2003, p.12, 356n

Science de la science et réflexivité, éd Raisons d'agir, 2001, p.11

Interventions. Science sociale et action politique, Agone, 2002, p.181

Esquisse pour une auto-analyse, éd. Raisons d'agir, 2004, p. 27, 130

Sur l'Etat. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992, Raisons d'agir/Seuil, 2012, p.158, 241, 452

à propos de Hegel

Un art moyen, Essai sur les usages sociaux de la photographie, (sous la direction de Pierre Bourdieu), Minuit, 1965, p.23

avec Alain Darbel, L'amour de l'art. Les musées d'art européen et leur public, Minuit, 1965, p.163

Le métier de sociologue. Préalables épistémologiques, avec Jean-Claude Chamboredon et Jean-Claude Passeron, Éditions de l'École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Co-éditeur Mouton de Gruyter, 2005 (1968), p.187, 193, 194

Esquisse d'une théorie de la pratique, Droz, 1972 et Seuil, 2000, p.258, 278, 285, 304, 305

La distinction, Minuit, 1979, p.570n

Le sens pratique, Minuit, 1980, p.12, 63, 89, 153, 225n

Leçon sur la leçon, Minuit, 1982, p.19

Homo academicus, Minuit, 1984, p.212

Choses dites, Minuit, 1987, p.22-23, 109, 195

La Noblesse d'Etat, Minuit, 1989, p.99

avec Loïc Wacquant, Réponses, Seuil, 1992, p.72, 98

Les règles de l'art, Seuil, 1992, Points, 1998, p.327, 347, 348

Raisons pratiques, 1994, Points, 1996, p.27, 65, 102, 105, 123, 160, 236

Méditations pascaliennes, Seuil, 1997, et Points 2003, p.67, 69, 106, 194, 207, 213, 303, 309, 361n, 367n, 371n

Les structures sociales de l'économie, Seuil, collection Liber, 2000, p.23

Langage et pouvoir symbolique, Points Seuil, 2001, p.271, 299

Science de la science et réflexivité, éd Raisons d'agir, 2001, p.25, 37, 82

Interventions. Science sociale et action politique, Agone, 2002, p.111, 113, 116, 136, 350, 475

Sur l'Etat. Cours au Collège de France 1989-1992, Raisons d'agir/Seuil, 2012, p.53, 83, 119, 161, 171, 187, 220, 260, 500
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voir également:

en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, entretiens avec Didier Eribon
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, avec et contre John Langshaw Austin
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Claude Lévi-Strauss
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Maurice Merleau-Ponty
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Jean-Paul Sartre et de Simone de Beauvoir
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Georges Canguilhem + du projet de thèse "Les structures temporelles de la vie affective" à la théorie de la pratique
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de: Georges Canguilhem, Jean-Paul Sartre et Claude Lévi-Strauss
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, "méditations Wittgensteiniennes"
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, autour de L’Ontologie politique de Martin Heidegger
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Karl Kraus + Gerald STIEG, Pierre Bourdieu et Karl Kraus
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Marx, Durkheim, Weber
en ligne: Pierre Bourdieu, à propos de Descartes, Pascal, Spinoza, Leibniz